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Happy hangovers, comrades

A Democratic Socialist was just elected mayor of NYC — so it's only fair we show a little solidarity. Today’s normally paid issue is free. If you like it, think about subscribing! A paid sub gets you Discord access, two paid issues a week, and monthly trend reports. Hit the button below to find out more. Thanks for the support!

—Managing Editor Cates

Last night, visibly tired millennials sloshed American IPAs in bars across New York City as polls declared Zohran Mamdani the city’s next mayor. I watched the results come from a jam-packed Hell Gate watch party in Gowanus, where BBC reporters hurriedly ran through the crowd and onlookers passed phones back and forth, poring over election data coming in from Virginia and New Jersey. Democrats performing equally well in both. Of course, after last night, it seems like the question for the rest of the midterms will be: *Jesse Plemons in “Civil War” voice* “What kind of Democrat are you?”

After attending a Mamdani rally last week, I wrote that the Democratic Tea Party is officially here. It was there, in Forest Hills, Queens, where I saw firsthand the tension between young New York socialists and centrist Albany Democrats. Mamdani’s supporters completely turned on Gov. Kathy Hochul before she could even get a word out on stage, interrupted by heckling and chants of “do something,” and “tax the rich!” And Hochul, unlike Sen. Chuck Schumer, had actually endorsed Mamdani.

What’s fascinating is that for all their work flooding the information ecosystem this year, the American right doesn’t totally know how to handle a winning leftist insurgency. Mamdani’s win successfully cracked President Donald Trump’s authoritarian veneer and MAGA world is reeling.

White House Communications Director Steven Cheung, who we covered in our deep dive into Trump’s digital machine last month, wanted everyone to know he’s not mad actually, posting a photo from the Rose Garden, writing, “No Panicans!” And Sean Hannity was also definitely Not Mad, visibly crying as he started a segment with Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis last night. Hannity said he was just crying from laughing because of all the memes people were texting him about Mamdani. Ah ok, very normal.

Oh, also, the viral post being shared on X right now that claims Alan Dershowitz threatened to blow his brains out on live TV if Mamdani won is fake, apparently. “A fake headline is circulating saying that I promised ‘to blow my brains out on live TV’ if Mamdani wins,” he wrote on X this morning. “I will contribute $180 (chai) to Mamdani’s reelection campaign if anyone can show I actually said it.”

Andrew Cuomo’s living funeral last night was equally manic, with supporters shrieking at each other about how Republican mayoral candidate Curtis Sliwa spoiled Cuomo’s chances. Trump, though, honestly, summed up the night best, writing on Truth Social last night, “‘TRUMP WASN’T ON THE BALLOT, AND SHUTDOWN, WERE THE TWO REASONS THAT REPUBLICANS LOST ELECTIONS TONIGHT,’ according to Pollsters.” The New York Post, though, was cooking the hardest, with a front page I absolutely need a wall print of.

(New York Post)

But what should we make of last night’s blue sweep? Semafor’s Dave Wiegel astutely pointed out that “every victorious Democrat ran on ‘affordability,’ betting correctly that voters who trusted Trump to bring down prices this year would be angry that he hadn’t.” Which was also Vivek Ramaswamy’s take, who is still cosplaying as someone anyone cares about.

But Wiegel pointed out that Democrats, as a whole, are still unpopular. Virginia exit polls report that half of voters there don’t like the Democrats, even though former Rep. Abigail Spanberger crushed her GOP rival in the governor’s race. For a party that ran against Trump last year on a national platform of “we don't have Coke, only Pepsi,” as I wrote last spring, it’s probably not great voters are begrudgingly finally buying Pepsi because the Coke they ordered turned rancid.

Sherwood News’ Walter Hickey had take that slightly differed from Wiegel’s, writing on X, “Centrist Democrats definitely overplayed the hand going hard on the socialist branding for Mamdani… If he sucks, opinion of socialism in America literally cannot get lower anyway. But if he’s fine? Well, now you made DSA a national brand.”

It’s unclear what lessons Democrats across the country will learn from the Democratic Socialists of America and Mamdani’s big win, however. Funny enough, the first time I wrote about Mamdani was last March, in a piece about California Gov. Gavin Newsom’s awful podcast. (Whatever happened with that?) “Zohran Mamdani is a New York State Assembly member, who is currently running for Mayor of New York City,” I wrote at the time. “This morning he went up to Albany and unloaded at Border Czar Tom Homan… screaming at Homan in the hallway. It makes for good content. But it was also passionate, focused, and appropriately aggressive. Maybe Newsom’s team could call him up and ask for a few pointers.” Which is the most optimistic outcome here actually.

Maybe this country’s vast network of liberal strategists will see this excellent X thread from DSA organizer Aaron Narraph Fernando, written over the summer, which outlined the precise demographic work the DSA did to prioritize voter outreach. TL;DR they focused on progressives, Muslim and South Asian voters, rent-stabilized tenants, and first-time voters. A savvy way to build off Mamdani’s first big viral video based on his genuinely shrewd political observation that the working class, immigrants, and people of color were duped into voting for Trump because they believed his lies about fixing the economy and could be won back with leftist economic populism.

But the cynic in me says that the clown car that is the Democratic establishment and what’s left of the mainstream media will over-index Mamdani’s “Lin-Manuel Miranda energy.” As streamer Hasan Piker wrote on X last week, “The upcoming midterm cycle is going to be very funny. Lot’s of politicians trying to do stuff like this, not realizing why it isn’t hitting the same way,” referring to Mamdani’s appearance on a New York DJ’s livestream. Weirdly enough, Charlamagne Tha God, Ben Shapiro, and The Young Turks host Ana Kasparian were all on CNN’s election show last night saying more or less the same thing. And it doesn’t help that the Gregory Brothers have already turned Mamdani’s victory speech into a rap song. Yeah, ok, everybody, you can lib out today, but you better cut that shit out before someone loads it on to Nancy Pelosi’s iPad and she forces Schumer to go on the Throwing Fits podcast.

@schmoyoho

Replying to @miyaki 😼☆ your wish is this schmo’s command #zohran #mamdani

But as policy-focused as Mamdani was, his use of influencers is worth reflecting on. Before it all gets flattened into How Make Go Viral by pundits on cable news. As we wrote last week, Mamdani’s team focused heavily on individual internet creators, granting them the same level of — and sometimes more — access than they did national outlets. The result was, in the final weeks of the campaign, an onslaught of content across X, Instagram, and TikTok competing with mercenary cyber armies operating on both ends of the political spectrum.

Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, on an episode of The View this week, as part of her current media tour unveiling her own economic populist rebrand, revealed, “There's a lot of paid social media influencers. I found it very interesting that they were the MAGA accounts, but they're all paid.” (Vice President JD Vance is test-driving an economic populist pivot, as well, this morning.)

And according to an investigation from WIRED in August, all the Democratic dark money went to influencers who would toe the established, centrist party line. “If I want to work with another politician, I have to fully collaborate with them,” one creator told WIRED. “If I get Zohran and he wants to [do an] interview with me, I don’t want to give that to them.” Also, the r/Democrats subreddit currently bans any mention of Democratic Socialist candidates. Just so you have a sense of how pervasive all of this even still this week.

None of the influencers we spoke to at Mamdani’s events were paid, but some did admit they showed up because of the network effect. As he got more popular, so did their content about him. And so, when you take all of this together, last night’s blue sweep, especially in New York, actually feels a little retro. No wonder former President Barack Obama is, reportedly, so impressed with Mamdani. It’s not just Obama noticing the shift, however.

On Sunday, likely expecting a Mamdani blowout this week, New York Magazine raced to canonize the current intra-Democratic uprising. They gave 25 young Democrats a cushy — literally, they posed them all on a couches lol — photoshoot and outlined their connections to the American left’s new political tastemaker, Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. Mamdani isn’t on the list, they assume you already know about him. But two former Panic World guests are, federally-indicted Illinois congressional candidate Kat Abughazaleh and Florida Rep. (and Habbo Hotel power user) Maxwell Frost. Also on the list is the Senatorial candidate who easily has the record for most times an American politician has done an interview without his shirt on, Graham Platner.

Platner, even more than Mamdani, is probably the best embodiment of the unchartered waters Democrats have found themselves in this election cycle. A strange moment where the new world and the slightly older new world exist at the same time. A charismatic, young politician like Mamdani can organically build Obama 2.0 by connecting the live wires of grassroots canvassing, soft identity politics, and online populism, and topple a political dynasty, the new mainstream media — Republican dominated social platforms — and his own party’s national infrastructure. While an ornery and repeatedly canceled Marine can tout the same politics, even as he’s barking out mea culpas for his Totenkopf tattoo on podcasts. And both are drawing huge crowds and fending off attacks from their own party.

As chaotic as all of this is — and will continue to be until the midterms — there is one very clear conclusion here. American politics has changed. The Republicans felt it first. And the same way the Tea Party ate the GOP out from the inside, laying the groundwork for Trump and his MAGA rebrand, so too has what we once called The Dirtbag Left begun devouring the Democrats. The effects of the internet, a deeply alienating globalized economy, and the rise of a technofeudal billionaire class have finally cracked American Democrats wide open. We’re in a class war and it plays out on video feeds and those same billionaires own the algorithms that decide what side of it you end up on. And Mamdani and his team — and the burgeoning DSA political machine — arrived at the exact moment Americans were ready to talk about class and found the best way to hijack our new world of short-form (and long-form) video to make sure you actually heard them. Successfully turning his mayoral campaign into not just a referendum on President Donald Trump and the horrors of his second first year in office, but also the Democratic establishment. And with Mamdani’s big win this week, it’s safe to assume the Democratic civil war will be arriving on a ballot near you soon.


Did you know Garbage Day has a merch store?

You can check it out here!


P.S. here’s a good post.

***Any typos in this email are on purpose actually***

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AWS to Bare Metal Two Years Later: Answering Your Questions About Leaving AWS

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Donald Trump Has Lost Touch With Reality

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Missouri, Kansas senators: Is Trump's feces drop video acceptable? | Opinion

The other day I learned a new term: “AI sycophancy,” also sometimes called “chatbot sycophancy.”

I already knew about the phenomenon, having read stories about how Large Language Models flatter their users, telling them what they want to hear, assuring them that they’re always right. This self-reinforcement hooks into psychological vulnerabilities, potentially leading users to believe in their own brilliance, while shortcutting attempts by other human beings to insert some reality sense. A growing body of research shows that the use of generative AI – like social media but worse – is often damaging to users’ mental health. In the worst cases chatbot sycophancy has led to self-harm – even, allegedly, suicide.

But the way chatbots play with your mind isn’t new. Sycophancy has been sending people into delusional spirals and destructive behavior for millennia. In the past, however, sycophancy was reserved for the rich and powerful. AI’s innovation is to democratize the experience.

Being surrounded by actual human sycophants will inevitably happen if you are rich and powerful, unless you have the strength of character to avoid it. But, alas, we have as our president Donald Trump, who is a glutton for sycophancy. Moreover, he’s not alone: the tech-bro oligarchs – in particular, Musk, Andreesen, Zuckerberg, Ellison and Thiel – inhabit their own sycophancy bubbles, while also slavishly supporting Trump. Just read an excerpt from Jacob Silverman’s new, and highly recommended book, to understand the dynamic.

But while the tech bros can certainly make many people’s lives miserable, it takes the power of the presidency to threaten the lives and livelihoods of millions of people. And Trump is doing just that – he is descending into states of delusion that are as he would say, like nothing anyone has seen before (notwithstanding Nixon’s nighttime drunken tirades).

On Sunday, the day after millions of Americans marched in the massive No Kings Day protests, Trump dismissed them:

The demonstrations were very small, very ineffective and the people were whacked out. When you look at those people, those are not representative of the people of our country.

Does Trump actually believe that? I suspect that he does. In the grip of delusion, a powerful person will dismiss and destroy anything that challenges their self-aggrandizing alternate reality. This explains why there is no one in Trump’s inner circle who dares to tell him that his poll numbers are, indeed, very bad; or that it’s a bad look to commute George Santos’ prison sentence for fraud and identity theft. When people try to tell him things he doesn’t want to hear, he gets angry. A Credible sources say that Pam Bondi was reluctant to charge former FBI director James Comey given the flimsiness of the case. However, Trump made clear that this was non-negotiable — it was Comey or her. So Bondi saw to it that Comey was duly charged.

Another very recent example of Trump’s disconnect from reality was the temper tantrum he reportedly threw when meeting Volodymyr Zelenskyy, warning among other things that Putin “will destroy you” if he wants.

In reality, Putin has spent 3 years and 8 months trying as hard as he can to destroy Ukraine, without success. Dig a little deeper and you learn that Russia’s latest big offensive has been a bloody debacle: hundreds of thousands of soldiers’ lives lost without any significant strategic gains. You have to be seriously delusional to imagine that if Putin gets really, really angry he will suddenly develop the ability to blast through the “kill zone,” the deadly kilometers-wide no man’s land created by drones, precision artillery and mines that keeps bringing Russian offensives to grief.

But again, who’s going to brief Trump about his beloved Putin’s failures?

There are many, many more examples of Trump’s delusions. He really does seem to believe that Portland is “war-ravaged,” that Chicago is full of “beautiful Black women in MAGA hats” begging him to stop crime, that China is going to cave to his trade demands, that gasoline is $1.99 a gallon, that he will lower drug prices by 500%, and much more.

Granted, previous presidents have also been surrounded by flatterers. In the case of George W. Bush, it’s unlikely that we would have been lied into the Iraq War without Cheney, Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz assuring him that we would be welcomed as liberators. And we know now that Biden’s inner circle hid his increasing physical frailty from the public and even from his own cabinet members.

Yet Trump’s disconnect from reality is uniquely destructive. No previous president has tried to overturn an election, sought to use the military against U.S. citizens, or sought to use the Justice Department as his own personal vendetta machine. The difference is that he’s the first president to live in an autocratic bubble, surrounded by a cult of personality within which nobody dares to criticize him, tell him uncomfortable truths or refuse to engage in blatantly illegal acts.

Furthermore, Trump is clearly getting worse, growing even more out of touch with each passing week. Regardless of whether it’s advancing age or growing frustration, even Trump, I think, realizes that his efforts to suppress all opposition are running into serious resistance. Putting out an AI video of himself dumping shit on protestors suggests panic, not strength. But his claims about what’s happening in America and the world keep getting stranger and wilder.

And Trump’s denial of reality is already having devastating consequences for America, with more to come. Watching Trump in action lately has had me remembering a passage from a classic George Orwell essay, “In front of your nose”:

[W]e are all capable of believing things which we know to be untrue, and then, when we are finally proved wrong, impudently twisting the facts so as to show that we were right. Intellectually, it is possible to carry on this process for an indefinite time: the only check on it is that sooner or later a false belief bumps up against solid reality, usually on a battlefield.

MUSICAL CODA

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Gamifying Hobbies Is Ruining Them

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The new YouTube documentary Listers is a down-the-rabbit-hole glimpse at the norms and neuroses of the “extreme bird-watching” community. If that sounds painfully boring, it’s not—this is one of the funniest documentaries I’ve seen in some time. In it, the brothers Quentin and Owen Reiser chronicle their try at a “big year,” a bird-nerd term for attempting to identify as many different species as possible in a single calendar year. They start out knowing next to nothing about birds—an app designer and a cinematographer from Collinsville, Illinois, the Reisers get into birding after one of them stumbles across an ornithological guidebook during a bleary-eyed smoke session. Then they buy a $4,500 Kia Sedona and traverse the country with the goal of finding more than 700 unique specimens. Although both brothers are the subjects of the film, Quentin spends most of the time on camera while Owen remains behind the lens. He alternates between a low-tech camcorder and a high-resolution camera, the former to capture the mundane and often gritty work of tracking down birds, and the latter to reveal their quarry in all its splendor.

On their bird-maxxing quest, the two cook endless beans and sleep in a shocking number of Cracker Barrel parking lots. Quentin takes magic mushrooms on a seabird boat tour.  The vibe here is less Animal Planet and more Harold & Kumar Go to White Castle: “It’s all gonna be, like, accurate? Scientifically accurate?” Owen asks early on when he learns that his brother is planning to create an illustrated bird guide about their travels. “Yeah,” Quentin responds, deadpan. The camera zooms in on his drawing of a bird—one presumes a tufted titmouse—with crude, cartoonish boobs protruding from its feathers.

But underneath the stoner hijinks (and legitimately stunning wildlife videography), Listers is a serious film about the meaning that hobbies can provide to our lives, and the corrupting influence of smartphone apps on our leisure activities. As the documentary progresses, it gradually begins to examine how eBird, a social app that is popular in the bird-watching community, has overtaken the pastime. The brothers start without complaints about eBird, which connects them with other hobbyists, helps them track their progress when they “list” birds, and provides a ranking system so they can see how they’re stacking up against other birders. But by the end of the year, they become disillusioned by eBird and interview other hobbyists who are as well. “This country is so big, and you have to go everywhere in the country to see enough birds to be in the power rankings or whatever the fuck it is,” Quentin grouses. “I like bird-watching, but I don’t like it in the competitive sense.”

[Read: What we lose when we’re priced out of our hobbies]

Birding is not the only hobby with an app problem. So many leisure pursuits now have their own gamified digital platforms: Untappd for beer enthusiasts. Strava for runners. Ravelry for knitters. Fishbrain for fishermen. Beli for foodies. Goodreads and Letterboxd for bookworms and movie buffs. The list goes on. Some have anointed these sorts of hobby apps a new, “kinder” frontier for social media: Sharing your knitting patterns is certainly more wholesome than bare-knuckle political fighting on X. But like all online social networks, these apps—many of which include leaderboards, progress bars, and achievement badges—have a corrosive side, one I’ve experienced myself as a runner. I used to log my runs, until I realized I was putting on my sneakers and getting out the door simply because I wanted to see my stats go up. I found that the apps made me more focused on narrow metrics, such as my VO2 max or total weekly miles, than the pleasure derived from the hobby itself.

Complaints about the intrusion of technology into hobbies are not new. Leisure activities have always been settings in which what academics call “conspicuous consumption” is common—enthusiasts flaunt the latest high-tech golf clubs or fly rods or bird-watching binoculars as a way to demonstrate their seriousness or skill (even when they don’t have much of either). But hobby gamification has added a novel and far more perverse twist to this long-standing trend: conspicuous accumulation, users’ vying for in-app prestige by logging, listing, or otherwise compiling as much online data as possible.

Watching the birders in Listers discuss their love-hate relationship with the eBird app, I was reminded less of their feathered friends than of another class of winged creatures—parasitoid wasps. I became fascinated by these hellish insects years ago after reading a letter in which Charles Darwin described their existence as proof against “a beneficent & omnipotent God.” It’s not hard to see why: The wasps inject eggs into a host, usually a caterpillar, and when they hatch, the larvae eat the unfortunate creature from the inside out, taking care to leave the vital organs intact so that their meal ticket doesn’t die too soon. Eventually, the larvae hijack the host’s brain, turning the caterpillar into their slave. From the outside, the parasitized insect still looks like a normal caterpillar, but the guts of the thing have been emptied out, and it now exists to serve an entirely different master. Eventually, it dies of starvation.

This makes for a grisly analogy, but it’s an apt one. As Listers demonstrates, hobby apps such as eBird parasitize our leisure pursuits from within: The app stops being a way to engage with the hobby and instead turns the hobby into a way to engage with the app. From the outside, the hobby still looks the same—you’re still running, or watching an art film, or peeping a bufflehead sea duck through your binoculars—but the goal is no longer the experience itself.

[Read: The logic of the ‘9 to 5’ is creeping into the rest of the day]

Perhaps the only truly chilling scene in the otherwise lighthearted Listers occurs when one of the brothers questions a top-ranked birder about what motivates him. “If eBird didn’t exist, would you still go bird-watching?” Owen asks. “No!” the other man says, shaking his head vigorously and laughing, as though the very prospect of birding without the app is ridiculous.

The response raises an interesting philosophical question: Is this man actually a birder at all? Can you be a true bird-watcher if your main source of joy is not, you know, the birds? It would seem that his actual hobby is the app. The audience of Listers is made to understand the tragedy of many of these men and women who look and act like birders but whose primary love is no longer the birds themselves or the environments in which they’re found, rather the glowing screen they’re so bound to. The platform is not all bad—at its best, it provides an admirable example of citizen science and generates useful data for researchers—but the brothers, and those they interview, know all too well that eBird can be a fun suck as much as it can be an avenue for fulfillment.

“I’m tired of these fucking assholes who work for the bird software,” Quentin vents near the end of the documentary. He’s miffed about how often the app rejects his photos, but he’s also angry that it matters to him in the first place. By the end of Listers, he decides the app mostly doesn’t matter to him. He still loves birding but seems to hate eBird. The irony, of course, is that his documentary is as likely to turn people off the app as it is to drive new users to it.

In a humorous final montage, we learn that the birder who wouldn’t bird if it weren’t for the app broke a record by identifying 758 birds in a year, and that Quentin and Owen—impressively for neophytes—ranked 23rd in the contiguous United States, listing 579 birds. To celebrate, the boys crack a Martinelli’s Gold Medal Sparkling Cider and tell a gas-station attendant about their success. “Not bragging, but we’ve seen 579 species of bird this year,” Quentin informs the young woman behind the register. When she responds, Pretty cool, we get the distinct sense that she does not, in fact, think it is pretty cool. The Reisers don’t care. They’re in it for the birds.

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The Great Ghosting Paradox

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Ghosting existed in some form long before modern technology made it ubiquitous. “Disappearing without word or warning is no doubt as old as the human race,” the cultural theorist Dominic Pettman notes in his slim new book, Ghosting. The infant first detecting maternal absence, the pet abandoned in an alley, the friend suddenly iced out have all felt the sudden departure of someone who was expected to be there. What has changed in recent years, Pettman argues, is the ease—and cruelty—with which people can enter and exit one another’s lives. Today’s version of ghosting, he writes, “is abandonment with a contemporary garnish”; a plethora of options for ignoring others have turned it into a “universal, even banal, experience.” Or, as he puts it pithily, “when we came up with texting, we also came up with not texting.”

I was curious to read Pettman’s book, because I’d been thinking about the banality of ghosting—or, rather, how it can seem so commonplace as to be expected and, at the same time, be hurtful and infuriating. Culturally, ghosting is a paradox. It can be something you brush off even as it lives rent-free in your head. It’s still considered rude, and people on both sides tend to feel bad about it, albeit in different ways. It’s also extremely common: 90 percent of respondents to one 2021 study reported that they had ghosted someone. Last month, the New York Times columnist Maureen Dowd bemoaned the fact that online dating has become a “digital derecho, with oh so many ways” to “make and drop connections.”

[Read: What we gain when we stop caring]

But perhaps ghosting—or being ghosted—doesn’t need to be so upsetting. I recall a text I received at the end of the summer that illustrated, for me, the ways we apparently still tiptoe around ghosting. It was from a guy I had been on three dates with and then hadn’t heard from in weeks. I’d thought the third date was the best of them—a nice dinner with lots of talking, a little making out at my place—so I was surprised when the guy, a divorced dad, offered a tepid response to a follow-up text I sent before disappearing completely.

In the new text, prefaced by a cheery “Hello!,” he apologized, telling me he “didn’t intend to ghost” and that he’d been “focused on other connections (and life in general).” Mulling my response, I decided on “thanks—be well!” and then blocked him. The blocking was superfluous—he and I were unlikely to ever talk again—but it spoke to a twofold annoyance on my part. At the point that the guy texted back, I had mostly forgotten about him and moved on; his outreach was an unnecessary coda. I also felt like I should appreciate the fact that he reached out at all, though it seemed like he was doing so to make himself, not me, feel better; to, essentially, correct the record: I’m not someone who ghosts. It came across like a performance of nicety.

Contemporary ghosting, according to Pettman, is a by-product of what he calls an “overly social world,” one in which the real and the virtual are so intertwined that we can lose sight of another person’s humanity while engaging (or disengaging) with them. Ghosting can also often undermine a person’s perception of reality. In the case of the guy who ghosted me, my surprise stemmed from both his unanticipated disappearance and what I believed to be true: that he and I had had a genuinely good time together.

Some of this was projection. “We love an avatar more than a specific being,” Pettman writes, “a gestalt abstraction, lifted from all the love stories we’ve imbibed since childhood.” I wanted this guy to be the sort of guy who liked and wanted me. As for my irritation when he reappeared? Research shows that people who acknowledge or apologize for rejection risk activating the rejectee’s ire, rather than alleviating hurt feelings. Gili Freedman, a social psychologist who has studied both ghosting and apologies, told me that although apologies after a ghosting can in some cases provide closure, ghostees can also interpret ghosters’ apologies as insincere or self-serving.

Apologies also put ghostees into a double bind, she said. Ghostees can feel pulled back into a dynamic they didn’t choose to be part of, or be forced to confront the feeling of a wound being reopened, a sort of secondary rejection. The guy’s apology, I found, reminded me of the ghosting infraction in the first place, reasserted his control (he dictated the timing and the terms of communication), then created a social obligation for me to respond—a sort of obligatory forgiveness that can erode the ghostee’s sense of agency or even humanity.

The guy’s ghosting of me also dehumanized him. When he vanished after that seemingly promising third date, he quickly went back to being an idea of a man I had met: a profile picture on an app. After he apologized and I replied and blocked him, he became a different sort of ghost—one of my, not his, making. His belated effort had left me more dismissive of him than if he had simply stayed gone.

Many of us might have been ghosted enough times over the years that we’ve developed a thicker skin about what appear to be arbitrary disappearances. The cultural critic Kyle Chayka, for one, recently mused in The New Yorker about whether ghosting was such a “persistent feature of twenty-first-century life” as to be unavoidable. Pettman considers detaching a “necessary skill” and an “emerging discipline” for “the typical citizen of the new millennium.” And with the benefit of thicker skin, perhaps there’s room for more curiosity, room for ghosting to be, if not embraced, at least better understood.

Pettman is useful on this front. Ghosting may indicate individual cowardice, he writes, but “it also doesn’t get us very far to demonize individual behavior, as if the answer to structural social woes was to simply instill better moral codes in everyone’s hearts and minds.” (What to do about this? He doesn’t really say.)

The phenomenon is also perhaps indicative of our alienation from a sense of shared community. We’re spending more and more time alone, and some have suggested that we’re in the midst of a crisis of societal rudeness. One writer recently posited that contemporary self-help books might be encouraging people’s selfishness and self-interest (even at the cost of alienating or hurting others) by espousing the idea that “it’s OK to be a little bit of a jerk.”

[Read: The decline of etiquette and the rise of ‘boundaries’]

It’s worth considering a slightly counterintuitive idea too: that ghosters do care about their interactions, and the people who are affected by them. Somewhat. As Freedman told me, ghostees tend to underestimate ghosters’ contrition, and ghosters’ choice to disappear can actually be evidence of their complicated feelings. I’d add that not being informed of the reason for a ghosting might save many of us from embarrassment or self-loathing. One study on ghosting in a hiring context—say, an employer’s nonresponse to a job applicant—found that those who were ghosted had more self-esteem than those who got personal feedback.

Is this an argument for accepting ghosting in its contemporary form? Probably not—especially in the case of being stood up, which has always felt particularly egregious. And a new study that examined the consequences of being ghosted or rejected directly found that the adverse psychological effects of the former appear to last longer than those of the latter, because of ghosting’s “unique consequences linked to its ambiguity and lack of closure.” But I do sense that a certain softness might be found under the surface of this particular expression of our so-called epidemic of rudeness.

Maybe we can extend some empathy, or at least the benefit of the doubt, to those who disappear on us. Perhaps, in reaching out to me, even six weeks after our previous communication, my date was showing evidence of care, though he expressed it in a ham-handed way. Or, as Pettman puts it, “in a world of atomized, liquified, symptomatic and transactional relations,” maybe the act of ghosting can also “be a merciful one.”

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New York bans AI-enabled rent price fixing

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On Thursday, New York Gov. Kathy Hochul signed into law legislation banning the use of price-fixing software by landlords to set rental rates. New York is the first state to outlaw algorithmic pricing by landlords, following a number of city-wide bans in Jersey City, Philadelphia, San Francisco, and Seattle. 

Software companies such as RealPage offer landlords algorithms that can set rental prices. The software can also help determine the ideal number of people to live in a unit or the terms of a lease renewal. RealPage says it can help its clients “optimize rents to achieve the overall highest yield, or combination of rent and occupancy, at each property.” But the “private data algorithms” advertised by these software companies, Hochul says, cause the “housing market distortion” that harms renters “during a historic housing supply and affordability crisis.”

Not only does the law outlaw setting rental terms with the software, it also says that any property owners who use the software will be considered colluding. In other words, two or more rental property owners or managers who set rents with an algorithm are, in practice, choosing to not compete with each other, whether they do so “knowingly or with reckless disregard,” the law says. This is a distinct violation from simply using the software itself. 

The use of this software has cost US tenants around $3.8 billion in 2024, according to Hochul’s press release. A 2022 investigation by ProPublica linked RealPage’s algorithm with soaring rental prices across the country. Two years later, the US government sued RealPage

The bill protects renters from “algorithmic price collusion,” Pat Garofalo, director of state and local policy at the American Economic Liberties Project, said in a press release. One of the bill’s sponsors, State Sen. Brad Hoylman-Sigal, said of the bill: “This legislation will update our antitrust laws to make clear that rent price-fixing via artificial intelligence is against the law and ensure there are boundaries against behaviors that the federal government has found lead to anticompetitive practices and price fixing.”

The law goes into effect in 60 days. 

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Condiment9294
22 days ago
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Seattle, WA
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